Latest Posts from New America Blogs

Recent posts from all the blogs on NewAmerica.net can be found below. A full listing of all the blogs to which New America fellows and scholars regularly contribute can be found here.

Financial Aid U: 'Cause You Shouldn't Need a College Degree to Figure out How to Finance Your College Degree

  • By
  • Rachel Black
May 22, 2012
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Last Thursday, I participated in an event organized by the National Community Tax Coalition on expanding college access and completion that highlighted several approaches to connecting more low-income students with a college degree.

Proposed 3.4 Percent Interest Rate Not the Best Deal for Students or Taxpayers

  • By
  • Jason Delisle
May 22, 2012

Two weeks ago Ed Money Watch explained an alternative to the one-year extension of the 3.4 percent interest rate on newly-issued Subsidized Stafford loans for undergraduates pending in Congress. It would peg fixed rates on all new federal student loans to the 10-year Treasury rate plus 3.0 percentage points in the year the loans are issued. While the Congressional Budget Office says that extending the 3.4 percent interest rate on Subsidized Stafford loans by one year will cost $6 billion, this alternative proposal cuts spending by $52 billion. How have lawmakers and student aid advocates responded to this proposal? With deafening silence.

Policymakers and advocates think this proposal isn’t politically viable or beneficial for borrowers because it would set fixed rates on Subsidized Stafford loans issued this year at 4.75 percent for the upcoming school year (based on the rate today), which is higher than the current 3.4 percent that may be renewed. If any proposal sets the rate higher, some borrowers will pay more, they say. (The 10-year Treasury note proposal lowers rates for graduate students, too, but we will leave that aside for purposes of the discussion that follows.)

These skeptics obviously haven’t done the math. Nearly all undergraduates who borrow this year would owe less at graduation and pay less monthly under the proposed alternative—even those who are eligible for Subsidized Stafford loans at the 3.4 percent rate under the pending extension.

The table below compares how undergraduates who borrow the maximum amount of Subsidized and Unsubsidized Stafford loans in each year will fare under both interest rate proposals.

05222012%204.75%20Interest%20Rate%20Tabl

Here are a few key points on how the figures were calculated:

Regardless of financial need, all first-year, dependent undergraduates automatically qualify for $5,500 in Unsubsidized Stafford loans at a fixed interest rate of 6.8 percent. Within that limit, however, a borrower may qualify for up to a $3,500 Subsidized Stafford loan (which would carry the 3.4 percent interest rate) if he meets a needs analysis test. If a borrower qualifies for that maximum, then he has two loans: one loan of $3,500 at the 3.4 percent rate and another of $2,000 at the 6.8 percent rate within the $5,500 limit. The breakdown is a bit different for each year a borrower is enrolled, and many borrowers qualify for less than the $3,500 in Subsidized Stafford loans because eligibility is based on a sliding scale.

Additionally, under current law, Unsubsidized Stafford loans accrue interest annually while a borrower is in school. No interest accrues on Subsidized Stafford loans during that time. As a result, a student’s loan balance at graduation is not just the sum of their Subsidized and Unsubsidized Stafford loans, but the sum of their loans plus accrued interest. Thus, we calculate the weighted average interest rate for each year a student borrows based on the share of the student’s total loan balance at graduation that is Subsidized (3.4 percent interest) and Unsubsidized (6.8 percent interest).

In contrast, the 10-year Treasury note proposal Ed Money Watch discussed earlier would set the same fixed interest rate for both loan types. As a result, no weighted average annual interest rate applies.

Due to the higher interest rate on Unsubsidized Stafford loans under the pending one-year extension of the 3.4 percent interest rate for Subsidized Stafford loans, a borrower will actually graduate with a higher loan balance under the 3.4 percent rate proposal than under the 10-year Treasury note proposal. In fact, the higher rate of interest accrual skews the weighted average interest rate under the 3.4 percent rate proposal above 4.75 percent for first year students.

And even though second, third, and fourth year students will pay lower average interest rates on the loans they take out in each year under the 3.4 percent rate proposal, the higher interest rate on the Unsubsidized portion of their loans will result in higher loan balances. In the end, a student that borrows the maximum amount in all four years will actually pay less per month under the 10-year Treasury note proposal than under the 3.4 percent rate proposal.

To be fair, a very small share of students could end up paying a tiny bit more under the 10-year Treasury note proposal (a few dollars a month) for loans they take out this coming school year compared to the 3.4 percent interest rate proposal (e.g. students who borrow Subsidized Stafford loans but forgo the extra Unsubsidized Stafford loans for which they qualify). But many more borrowers—including graduate students—will benefit from the lower rate under the 10-year Treasury note proposal. Some critics will also point out that interest rates on future loans could be higher than 4.75 percent, even higher than 6.8 percent. That is true, but if the concern is that rates might go higher, then borrowers and policymakers may be better off just sticking with the current 6.8 percent.

Finally, some would-be supporters are nervous that President Obama and Democrats in Congress will accuse anyone who supports the 10-year Treasury note proposal instead of the 3.4 percent rate proposal of “raising interest rates on student loans.” If they do, point to this analysis. If they dismiss this analysis, then they are more interested in scoring political points than helping students.

Issues:

For New District-Level Race to the Top, Early Grade Best Practices Could Provide Important Model

  • By
  • Lisa Guernsey
May 22, 2012

If school districts want to win between $15 million and $25 million in the next Race to the Top competition, they will have to focus on personalized learning, according to draft guidelines released by the U.S. Department of Education today. They will also need to come up with a way to link student performance to the evaluation of teachers and school leaders, such as principals.

Defeating the "Paradox of Thrift"

  • By
  • Justin King
May 22, 2012

Our work can be quickly summarized (though not perfectly captured) by saying that we're in the business of "promoting savings." There are a lot of reasons that's not a perfect summary, but those kind of shortcuts often come in handy.

Event Summary: "Borrow: The American Way of Debt"

  • By
  • Hannah Emple
May 21, 2012
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On May 17th, the Asset Building Program hosted author and historian Louis Hyman to discuss his new book Borrow: The American Way of Debt. Janis Bowdler from the Wealth Building Policy Project at the National Council of La Raza contributed her take on the book and Reid Cramer moderated the discussion.

Recent Budget Bill Provides Glimpse of House’s Early Ed Priorities

  • By
  • Clare McCann
May 21, 2012

In a vote earlier this month, the House of Representatives passed a budget bill, 218-199, that provides a look at how, and if, Congressional Republicans would fund early education programs.  

Friday News Roundup: Week of May 14-18

  • By
  • Clare McCann
May 18, 2012

North Carolina House GOP considers merit pay money for schools

Dispute over college tuition roils flagship Texas campus

Alabama education trust fund budget approved

Alaska Governor Sean Parnell vetoes $66 million from Alaska budget

North Carolina House GOP considers merit pay money for schools
North Carolina House Republicans voted in a closed-door meeting this week to reallocate some 2013 funds previously designated for merit pay raises for teachers and other state employees to support teacher salaries and general public K-12 education funding. With $258 million set to expire from the federal Education Jobs Fund, which supports teacher salaries, legislators are working to find replacement state funds and lessen the cuts. The fiscal year 2013 budget contains $121.1 million for the state’s merit pay program. Lawmakers plan to move some of these funds into general funding for K-12 schools to partially replace the Education Jobs Funds. Republican lawmakers have not specified how much funding they will transfer to K-12 schools, and the North Carolina Appropriations Subcommittee on Education is preparing its budget (to be released next week) without the extra infusion of funds. More here…

Dispute over college tuition roils flagship Texas campus
This month, the Board of Regents for the University of Texas system rejected a proposed 2013 tuition increase for in-state students, instead raising tuition for out-of-state students by about 2 percent to more than $33,000. UT-Austin president William Powers Jr. originally proposed the 2.6 percent in-state tuition increase, which would have brought the total cost for those students to over $10,000 a year.  The board vote is in line with Governor Rick Perry’s stated goal of holding in-state tuition costs down to no more than $10,000 through budget cuts. Powers has stated that the school will continue to provide a high-quality education, in spite of the tuition freeze. More here…

Alabama education trust fund budget approved
Alabama lawmakers this week approved a fiscal year 2013 education budget totaling $5.4 billion and sent it to Governor Robert Bentley for his signature. The 2013 budget would cut spending by about $208 million from fiscal year 2012 levels and eliminate about 200 faculty and staff positions in K-12 schools due to an anticipated decline in enrollment. Legislators also made some structural reforms in which they moved funding for several youth programs to the general fund, rather than the education trust fund. Additionally, the budget reduces the total education trust fund by about $190 million in 2013 from fiscal year 2012 levels because a law passed last year requires legislators to move any excess reserves in the fund to a separate reserves account. Nearly 70 percent of the fiscal year 2013 education budget is targeted to K-12 education, while about 27 percent will go to higher education. More here…

Alaska Governor Sean Parnell vetoes $66 million from Alaska budget
This week, Alaska Governor Sean Parnell vetoed more than $66 million in spending from the state’s fiscal year 2013 budget plan.  The governor had previously vetoed far more spending – more than $300 million in fiscal year 2010 and more than $400 million in 2011. Parnell said that the limited cuts in the 2013 budget reflected the legislature’s commitment to holding spending within the governor’s stated spending cap.  The vetoes this year were targeted in part to early childhood education; he cut $1.2 million from the statewide pre-K program and $2.8 million from a parent training program called Parents as Teachers. Still, according to the governor, the state will spend 38 percent more on young children in 2013 than it did in 2012 – almost $14 million total, half of which will come through the Head Start program. More here…

Asset Building News Week, May 14-18

  • By
  • Hannah Emple
May 18, 2012
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The Asset Building News Week is a weekly Friday feature on The Ladder, the Asset Building Program blog, designed to help readers keep up with news and developments in the asset building field. This week's topics include housing, women in poverty, access to public assistance, banking, student loan debt and inequality.

Why Poverty in the U.S. is Worse Than it Seems

  • By
  • Rachel Black
May 18, 2012

Slate's new map of the week plots the U.S. poverty rate by county with data from 2007 to 2010. At first, it reveals a straightforward story: The Great Recession made poverty worse. Everywhere.

As bad as the picture looks, though, it’s actually a rosy rendition.

House's Sequester Alternative's Effect on Education Spending Still Unknown

  • By
  • Jason Delisle
  • Clare McCann
May 17, 2012

The deadline for sequestration—the automatic, across-the-board spending cuts that were triggered last fall when the “supercommittee” failed to reach a deficit reduction agreement—is drawing near. It takes effect January 2013, part-way through fiscal year 2013. Experts and onlookers have been trying to figure out if and how lawmakers will cancel sequestration before that deadline. The Republican-led House of Representatives now has its answer.

First, a refresher on how Congress got here: As part of an agreement to increase the limit on the national debt last summer, legislators passed the Budget Control Act of 2011, which sets up a framework by which lawmakers are to enact policies to reduce future budget deficits. If they don’t, the law automatically cuts spending through sequestration and sets limits on future appropriations.

Much of the deficit reduction outlined in the law was supposed to come from a bipartisan bill drafted by a joint House-Senate committee, known as the “supercommittee.” Supercommittee members were never able to agree on a bill, triggering the sequestration and spending caps. Unless Congress and the president now agree to override them, the cuts and caps will proceed as outlined in the law. The sequester will automatically cut fiscal year 2013 appropriations by about $93 billion, of which $55 billion comes out of defense programs and $39 billion comes out of non-defense programs. Within those amounts, the cuts will be distributed evenly across all non-exempt programs. (Pell Grants are the only exempt education program.)

Last week, the House passed a bill that, if signed into law, would cancel the sequester that applies to fiscal year 2013 appropriations. The bill includes policies that would reduce spending across a range of non-education programs funded outside the appropriations process. House lawmakers say those cuts would take the place of the automatic spending cuts that would have come through sequestration.

Nevertheless, education programs—nearly all of which are funded through the annual appropriations process—have not yet escaped unscathed in the House-passed bill. The bill leaves in place a cap on total appropriations funding for fiscal year 2013 that the House adopted earlier this year. That cap is $1.028 trillion, $15 billion below the total appropriations level enacted for fiscal year 2012.

The lower spending cap does not guarantee that lawmakers will cut funding for any or all education programs when they finalize fiscal year 2013 appropriations funding (fiscal year 2013 starts October 1, 2012), but education programs will compete with other programs for funding within a smaller pie. Even if the House bill becomes law, Congress must still determine funding levels for education programs during the appropriations process. Thus there is no meaningful way to predict how the House appropriations limit would affect education programs. Moreover, Congress has actually increased total appropriations for Department of Education programs in recent years even when it has cut appropriation funding across all agencies in aggregate.

It should also be noted that the House-passed bill leaves sequestration in place for programs funded outside of the appropriations process, so-called mandatory programs. This won’t mean much for education programs, since almost all are funded through the appropriations process. Some funding for Pell Grants is mandatory, but it is exempt from sequestration by law. That leaves student loans. The sequester would cut funding for student loans by increasing the origination fee borrowers pay when they take out new loans. That increase is likely to be about a half a percentage point, meaning the fee on a $5,000 loan will cost an additional $25.

To be clear, the Senate isn’t likely to take up the House bill. And the Senate shows no signs of adopting an alternative to cancelling the pending sequester.

In other words, if and how Congress will cancel the sequester is still anyone’s guess. Despite the action in the House, a definitive answer isn’t likely until after November elections.